Welcome to my blog: this is the story of our adventures in India: the wonderful, the strange, the downright bizzare & the not-so-nice. So sit back & enjoy the ride as we take you on a journey across the sub-continent (& everywhere in-between).
Sunday, March 10, 2013
Friday, March 8, 2013
Today's news article
Today’s article is from “The Diplomat” website and talks about the Kumbh Mela
By Jonathan DeHart
March 7, 2013
India’s Kumbh Mela (literally, “Pitcher Festival”) is mind-boggling in scale. The largest gathering of humans in one time and place, the event is held every three years, roving between four locations across India. While all four of the events are “mega” in scope, the Maha Kumbh Mela, held on the twelfth year in Allahabad at the confluence of the Ganges, Yamuna and mythical Saraswati rivers, is the granddaddy of them all.
“The Maha Kumbh Mela is above all an extraordinary spectacle,” Namit Arora, a documentary filmmaker who attended the 2013 Kumbh Mela, told The Diplomat. “Some of its locations, such as the bathing areas and the camps of the Naga ascetics, are full of intense human drama and sociological complexities.”
So great is the size of the gathering that the crowds can purportedly be seen from space. The Maha Kumbh happened to fall in 2013, starting from January 14, and goes until Sunday. On February 10 alone (the main bathing day) an estimated 30 million people, from ash-covered holy men to earnest pilgrims, filed into the Ganges River to take a dip in its frigid waters in the hope that the act would wash away their sins. Photos of this immense bathing ritual can be seen here, while some of the diverse characters populating the event can be seen here.
In his introduction to River of Faith, a documentary he produced from his time at the Maha Kumbh Mela this year, Arora wrote that “ascetics, sadhus, saints, gurus, yogis, sunyasis, bairagis, virakts, fakes, misfits, and crooks of various sects of Hinduism… camp out in tents on the riverbank, lecture and debate, drink milky-syrupy chai, smoke ganja and hashish, and are visited by pilgrims seeking spiritual renewal.”
The dedication earnest pilgrims need to reach the sacred spot is not to be taken lightly.
In an academic essay titled Seeing, Being Seen, and Not Being Seen: Pilgrimage, Tourism, and Layers of Looking at the Kumbh Mela, Dr. Kama Maclean, associate professor of South Asian and world history at the University of New South Wales, cites a litany of problems and dangers that may befall visitors to the Kumbh Mela, as originally proposed by British sociologist John Urry.
These include: malaria, Giardia, tuberculosis, food poisoning, water contamination, being trampled by Naked Sadhus (as happened at this year’s Kumbh Mela on February 10, leading to 36 deaths at Allahabad railway station), hepatitis, typhoid, rabies, Japanese encephalitis and plague.
“While hazardous travel is styled among some travel subcultures as valiant (think: backpackers’ circuit or the hippies’ trail), this remains an impressive and not entirely exaggerated list of perils to face,” Maclean writes in the paper.
Faced with these risks, armchair travel is an appealing alternative to the real thing.
Responding to this need to visit events like the Kumbh Mela virtually, photographs, text and video (like National Geographic’s Inside the Mahakumbh) documenting the scale, drama, color and occasional tragedy of the event have flooded online media outlets during the past two months.
If anything, the spectacle of up to 100 million pilgrims gathering near the bank of the Ganges has attracted perhaps too much attention from both domestic and global media organizations. As a result, the Kumbh Mela has become saturated by and transformed by media coverage to a degree we may not yet comprehend. One result of this media hype can be seen clearly on display at this year’s Maha Kumbh Mela: The festival has become intensely commercial.
“The Kumbh Mela has certainly become more commercial in recent decades,” Arora told The Diplomat. “Not so much due to its coverage by the Indian media, which mostly focuses on urban middle-class lives…. Far more central to the Mela's commercialization, in my view, is the wider penetration of the market economy and associated aspirations across small-town and rural India.”
This push, which Arora calls an “appeal to the masses” – domestic in this case – has not been limited to India. Western travelers toting copies of Lonely Planet dutifully make their way to the Kumbh thanks to the hype that now surrounds the event in the Western imagination. In Seeing, Being Seen and Not Being Seen, Maclean notes that the event is on the list of 100 Things to Do Before You Die, a consumer’s guide to adventure travel.
“The backpacker’s bible, Lonely Planet, recommends that the intrepid traveller endeavour to hire a boat at the sangam ‘with Indians on pilgrimage’ on board, so that their experience of the mela is as ‘authentic’ as possible; there is no consideration of how this might impact the pilgrims, who in all likelihood have traveled long distances at great expense to perform their rituals.”
Alas, not even a boat ride with real pilgrims guarantees an authentic experience at the Kumbh Mela today. According to an article in Pitch – which offers reduced figures of 80 million for this year’s Maha Kumbh Mela, resonating with Maclean’s assertion that accurate data is hard to come by – marketing ran amuck at this year’s Kumbh. “A sea of brands have taken a holy dip at the festival; each vying for the crowd’s attention through innovative branding and advertising,” the article reads.
From branded roti (unleavened bread) designed to promote the HUL (Hindustan Unilever) brand of soap to more than 15 Coca-Cola vendors dotted across the festival’s grounds, consumerism was fully entrenched along the mighty Ganges this year.
While it’s easy to be hypocritical in judging these things – after all, the Western world is responsible for inventing the bulk of consumer culture that has overrun traditional events like the Kumbh Mela – it’s a sobering indication of the true extent of consumerism’s reach.
Image credit: Namit Arora ©
Wednesday, March 6, 2013
Continuing the real estate theme
Here’s another article (this one from “The Daily Mail”) talking about sky-rocketing real estate prices in New Delhi.
For reference – when the article talks about a crore, that’s Rs 10,000,000:
Looted in Lutyens: How buyers are parting with Rs 600 crore for a bungalow in Delhi's most desirable locale
By Suhas Munshi
PUBLISHED: 23:45 GMT, 5 March 2013 | UPDATED: 23:45 GMT, 5 March 2013
A two-acre house for Rs 600 crore? That's how hard realty can bite in the rarefied realm of the Capital's Lutyens' Bungalow Zone (LBZ).
The latest entry into the LBZ market is 13 Prithviraj Road, a bungalow formerly leased by the Mexican ambassador and now on sale for a mind-numbing Rs 600 crore or $110 million.
This interest in properties in Lutyens' Zone is in stark contrast to the steady erosion of property prices in other posh areas of South Delhi over the past 18 months.
Here are some of the properties in Delhi's hottest real estate hub, the Lutyens' Bungalow Zone
Real estate experts say that Lutyens' Zone properties are immune to price corrections that have been happening over some time.
Exclusive zone
Those interested in buying properties in Lutyens' Zone aren't as interested in the area or the amenities it offers as they are in the people who live there.
It doesn't get more exclusive than the LBZ. With just 65 privately owned properties among the thousand-odd that make up the area, a crore is just loose change.
"The number of private houses on sale there is very small and the demand for properties in this zone is perennial. Rajan Mittal's Rs 156-crore purchase of 38 Amrita Shergill Marg was in keeping with the market price, and not extraordinary when its location and history are concerned.
"While prices in other areas may have seen some depreciation, the market sentiment is still buoyant for the LBZ," said Santhosh Kumar, CEO (operations) at Jones Lang LaSalle India.
The Prithviraj Road property gets extra special when one considers that is open on three sides, one of which looks directly into the nearby Lodi Gardens.
Rajan Mittal's winning bid for 38 Amrita Shergill Marg, a residential property on 3,500 square yards, or about 0.723 acres does match up with the Rs 600 crore for 13 Prithviraj Road, which encompases 9,700 square yards.
Mittal's winning bid came after a dispute in the family that owned the property led to it being put up for auction.
Priced out
Real estate experts say that the lure of staying within other ultra-rich High Net Worth Individuals (HNIs) keeps the asking price at Rs 5 to 6 lakh per square yard in the LBZ, effectively insulating it from the market ups and downs.
LBZ, the Capital's billionaire zone includes Aurangzeb Road, Amrita Shergill Marg and Prithviraj Road.
Compared to the LBZ, prices in other areas have depreciated by around 10 to 15 per cent over the past year or so.
A premium plot in Vasant Vihar, which commanded a price of Rs 12 lakh per square yard around a year ago, now comes for Rs 8 lakh per square yard; a plot in Defence Colony that would a year ago come for Rs 8-9 lakh per square yard now comes at a price tag of Rs 6 lakh per square yard.
"Though there haven't been any closures of deals in LBZ in the past few months, customers seeking to buy property in this area have become louder. The result of this is an upward push in the asking price of these properties," said Rahul Rewal at Mark Estates.
The last big deal in capital, say estate agents, happened in December when a 900-square yard plot in Sunder Nagar was sold for Rs 100 crore.
Saturday, March 2, 2013
Real Estate in New Delhi
Here’s
an interesting article (from “The New York Times”) about real estate in the
heart of government Delhi:
March 2, 2013
Think New York Is Costly? In New Delhi, Seedy
Goes for 8 Figures
By JIM YARDLEY
Enrico Fabian for The New York Times
SOLD: $29 Million This crumbling home from the British Raj, in
New Delhi’s most prestigious section, commanded top dollar in a public auction.
NEW DELHI — The
fading bungalow at 38 Amrita Shergil Marg does not immediately shout real
estate bling.
There is no tennis
court, no infinity pool, no Sub-Zero refrigerator or walk-in closet. The paint
is chipped, the bathrooms are musty and the ceilings have water stains. The
house may ultimately be torn down.
Yet when it went
up for public auction, the winning bid was almost $29 million. And many
neighbors consider that a bargain. One block away, a gracious if not quite
Rockefeller-ready residence once leased by the Mexican ambassador is now
reportedly on the market for more than $100 million. Other nearby houses are
going for $40 million to $70 million.
Enrico Fabian for The New York
Times
A government car cruised past a building dating to
the Raj in the Lutyens' Delhi section of the Indian capital.
“The price of the
Mexican residence is $110 million,” said Jorge Roza de Oliveira, Portugal’s
ambassador to India. “You can buy a home in New York and Miami and Lisbon and
London and keep a lot of change for that much.”
Real estate prices
in the heart of New Delhi, especially for the bungalows built nearly a century
ago during the British Raj, are among the highest in the
world.
Though India’s
economy has cooled, the demand for property in elite areas remains so strong
that even finding a house for sale is tricky: formal listings do not exist;
prices usually circulate by word of mouth. Transactions often require some
“black” money, or stacks of cash paid under the table to avoid taxes.
The buyers are
often Indian industrialists looking for a trophy property, a real estate Rolex.
Or, real estate agents and sellers say, they can be politicians or their
proxies, who often pay with trunks of cash.
For their money,
buyers get a lovely piece of land and a piece of history, if not much in the
way of amenities. Many houses require a major overhaul. Services, if far better
in these elite areas, are still inadequate: drinking the tap water is not
advised, and power failures remain an irritant.
The obvious
question about the prices, in a country where hundreds of millions of people
still live on less than $2 a day, is: Why?
To a large degree,
India is experiencing the sort of real estate boom common to big, emerging
economies. When Japan’s economy was soaring in the 1980s, prices in Tokyo were
so frothy that the 845-acre compound of the Imperial Palace was valued at more than all
the real estate in California. More recently, China has seen a boom,
with real estate values rising in some cities by 500 percent.
But the spike in
New Delhi is also being fueled by ego, status and some unique distortions in
India’s economy. Few properties come available in the leafiest, most
prestigious section of the capital, known as Lutyens’ Delhi,
because the area is mostly dedicated to government housing. Powerful government
ministers live in British-era bungalows with stately lawns of several acres,
while lesser officials are eligible for different categories of government
housing in an oasis largely separated from the rest of the chaotic capital,
where many people live crowded into slums or shanties.
“This is the best
part of Delhi, the core of Delhi,” said Munish Kumar Garg, who oversees the
allocation of government housing. “If these properties in Lutyens’ Delhi were
put on sale, there would be a queue two kilometers long.”
Mr. Garg, the
director of the government’s Directorate of Estates, controls one of
the more valuable residential real estate portfolios in the world. Asked how
many New Delhi properties fell under his agency, he shrugged. “It would be
difficult to know,” he said. “Maybe 10,000.”
It was a British
architect, Edwin Lutyens, who in the early 1900s designed what is now the
governmental heart of the capital. Beyond the grand buildings erected as the
seat of British imperial power, Mr. Lutyens and other architects also built a
residential bungalow zone of whitewashed single-story homes surrounded by
verdant gardens. When India won its independence in 1947, the British moved out
of many of the houses and the Indians moved in.
Today, power in
Delhi can be measured by where a politician lives. The Directorate of Estates
divides properties into eight categories, with Category 8 bungalows, the most
exclusive, reserved for ministers and other top leaders. Former prime ministers
and presidents, and their spouses, are allowed to remain in Category 8 housing
until death.
Given the shortage
of such housing, the recent death of former Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral
has spurred jockeying over who will get the bungalow.
Navin Chawla, who
was India’s chief election commissioner from 2005 to 2010, lived with his wife
in a Category 8 bungalow on six acres, with accommodation for 17 servants,
including a separate house most likely worth many millions of dollars. When his
term ended, so did his tenancy.
“I have to tell
you, these homes are very timeless,” he said, sounding wistful. “It’s a bonus
of the job to get a six-acre property for five years, one of the few bonuses of
being election commissioner, I can tell you.”
Not surprisingly,
as Indian industrialists have amassed great fortunes in recent years, the
temptation to buy into a zone where status is so nakedly demarcated and only a
few hundred private properties exist has proved irresistible. Property values
in the Lutyens’ bungalow zone, as well as in nearby neighborhoods, have
appreciated steadily for many years but skyrocketed in the past decade.
In some cases,
families have held these private houses for generations. Many were refugees
from Pakistan after partition in 1947, when streets like Amrita Shergil Marg
were hardly exclusive. Veena Kumar’s parents arrived almost penniless in 1947
and rented a bungalow on the street for about $5.50 a month, before buying it
eight years later. In those days, the house was at the southern rim of the
city, beside what is now Lodi Garden, which is known as the city’s most
beautiful park but seemed like jungle back then. Longtime neighbors recall
hearing the cry of hyenas at night.
Now the house lies
in the heart of the city and Ms. Kumar and her sister are looking to sell. Ms.
Kumar declined to discuss her asking price, but local media reported it as
about $55 million.
“One cannot afford
these taxes,” she said, explaining that the upkeep and property taxes had
pushed her to sell. “It is very expensive.”
The wild prices
have also affected the rental market. For decades, owners happily rented to
ambassadors or diplomatic missions. Now, rents have jumped so sharply that some
ambassadors are moving. Mr. Oliveira, the Portuguese ambassador, recently
relocated after his rent soared. Mexican ambassadors had lived at 13 Prithviraj
Road — the house priced at $110 million — for a half-century, with the original
lease signed by Octavio Paz, the Nobel Prize-winning writer
and poet who was Mexico’s ambassador in the 1960s.
(The United States
Embassy is a beneficiary of the rising real estate values, because for several
decades it has owned several residential properties in elite areas.)
Rahul Rewal, a
local real estate agent, said that demand was pushing up prices all over the
capital region and that the Lutyens’ zone actually was a safe investment, since
values keep going up, partly because so few places come onto the market.
Fifteen years ago, the telecommunications magnate Sunil Mittal paid about $6.6
million for a property on Amrita Shergil Marg that he razed and rebuilt. At the
time, the price was astonishing; today, it would be a bargain.
Mr. Mittal’s
brother, Rajan, was the winner of the auction for 38 Amrita Shergil Marg.
The property had
been entangled in a family legal feud for three decades until a judge ordered
that the property be sold at auction, with the proceeds divided among family
members. Had it been sold privately, many neighbors and brokers say, the final
price would have been higher. To avoid taxes, many sellers demand huge, secret
cash payments to supplement the publicly recorded selling price.
Even now, the
owners are still bickering. G. K. Gupta lives in the front half of the house,
while his nephew Shivraj Gupta lives with his family in the back half. The
uncle is in favor of the sale, but the nephew says he is still challenging it
in court. And though both would be wildly rich when the sale is completed, the
elder Mr. Gupta said that kind of money only goes so far in New Delhi.
“I’ll have to
invest it in property,” he said. “And property is very expensive in New Delhi.”
It's budget time here in India
The Indian government released its budget on
Thursday (28 February). Here are two articles about that (the first from “The
Australia” & the second from “The Diplomat” website):
Rich hit as India looks to kick-start economy
- by:Amanda Hodge, South Asia correspondent
- From:The
Australian
- March 01, 201312:00AM
INDIA'S super rich will pay a one-year tax surcharge to fund a carefully
calibrated budget aimed at delivering more food subsidies and scholarships for
the poor, and luring foreign investors back to the subcontinent to lift its
flagging economy.
Finance
Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram yesterday signalled economic growth as the
greatest challenge for the country, and foreign investment as the key to
reducing India's runaway current-account deficit, fuelled by an over-reliance
on oil, coal and gold imports.
But, quoting
Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stieglitz that "a country's most
important resource is its people", he sought to pacify the government's
poor and rural voting base with a budget which raises spending on education,
health, agriculture subsidies and women and children.
"Faced
with a huge fiscal deficit, I have no choice but to rationalise
expenditure," Mr Chidambaram said before announcing increased spending to
16.65 trillion rupees ($309 billion) to next March.
Among the headline
announcements was $180 million in seed funding for a women's bank and a
"Nirbhaya" women's empowerment fund, named for the 23-year-old Delhi
gang rape victim who died last December, as well as more funds for public
transport and water sanitation programs.
The country's
lowest taxable income-earners and first-home buyers will also receive a modest
tax break.
The government
promised to kick-start new infrastructure projects by awarding contracts for
3000km of new roads, and to push ahead with the development of seven new cities
on the Delhi-Mumbai industrial corridor.
But individuals
and companies with an annual income of more than R10m ($180,000) will pay a
one-year 10 per cent tax surcharge, and taxes will also rise on luxury goods
and services such as sports utility vehicles, cigarettes and restaurants.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
India:
The Politics of Budgeting
By Sanjay Kumar
March
1, 2013
February 28 marks an important date in
India’s parliamentary calendar. It is the day the central government presents
its annual budget, which outlines the ruling party’s fiscal planning, economic
priorities and political game plan for the year ahead.
The annual exercise is even more important
this year with general elections scheduled for early 2014. The 2013 annual
financial statement comes at a time when the Indian economy is experiencing a
rough patch with annual growth being pegged at 5 percent, a large drop from the
7.6 percent recorded last year.
In his annual budget speech in parliament
on Thursday, Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram attempted to woo India’s women, youth and poor. These demographic
segments of Indian society have spearheaded the nation’s anti-corruption
movement in recent years and worked to raise the nation’s consciousness on
issues surrounding the treatment and safety of women.
In his speech, Palaniappan announced the
founding of the $181 million Nirbhaya Fund, which aims to enhance the
safety of women. The fund is meant to commemorate the murder of a young woman, the
victim of a gang rape in Delhi last December.
He also announced the launch of a special skill development scheme in which initial funds
of U.S. $181 million will go toward skill development for youth. Some estimates
suggest that 70 percent of India’s voters are less than 35 years old.
To secure the votes of India’s poor who
have traditionally voted for the ruling Congress party, the Finance Minister
announced a plan to expand the Direct Benefit Transfer Scheme. Through this scheme, cash
is directly deposited into the bank accounts of those enrolled in lieu of
subsidized products.
To raise additional revenue, Chidambaram
also announced a surcharge on domestic firms with income of more than 100
million Indian rupees (U.S. $1.8 million). Meanwhile, individuals with taxable
income of more than 10 million rupees will have to pay an additional 10 percent
in tax.
From April 1 he also vowed to begin working
to lower India’s fiscal deficit to 4.6 percent of the nation’s GDP, from 5.2
percent in the current financial year.
To inject new blood into India’s sagging
economy, a special push will also be given to the infrastructure
sector, for which 50 billion rupees has been earmarked for building ports
and industrial corridors, and establishing a road regulator.
While some have praised the budget as “pragmatic”
and “growth-oriented,” others think it lacks teeth. In the
pre-liberalization era before 1991, the creation of the annual budget was
largely viewed as an occasion to dole out incentives regardless of fiscal
prudence.
Now, more than two decades since India’s
economic reforms, the annual budget remains a potent tool for influencing
voters.
In 2008, the Congress-led United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) government announced a loan waiver scheme for
farmers, which was widely believed to be the game changer that returned the
party to power in the 2009 elections. Chidambaram was the architect of the 2008
Budget.
The economic situation in 2008, however,
was far more robust than it is today, with the country clocking growth rates of
8 to 9 percent. Today India’s GDP growth is puttering along at 4.5 percent,
while its current account deficit is alarmingly high due to
increased oil imports and declining exports. These factors limit Chidambaram’s
room to maneuver in 2013.
Despite the hype surrounding this year’s
budget, some economists feel that the Finance Minister has failed to push the
reform agenda. Rajiv Kumar of the Centre for Policy Research writes:
“Given that in our country a crisis represents the best opportunity for pushing
forward with urgent and necessary reforms, he may have missed an opportunity to
qualitatively improve economic governance including the delivery of public
services and make the climate more investment friendly.”
On the other hand, political analyst Harish Khare argues in The Hindu that “the budget should reveal a government that
is not just wedded to the idea of wholesome public interest but is also
cognizant of its obligations to be the ultimate promoter and protector of the
social good.”
Ultimately, what these assessments show is
that most are reading more deeply into the politics than the economics of the
budget for 2013. By targeting India’s rural areas, the poor, women and suburban
population, the ruling Congress party has made its intention clear for the 2014
elections: To consolidate its core constituency rather than cater to the middle
class.
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Image credit: Wikicommons
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